Dominique Pagani regards Frédéric Lordon as a comrade in struggle. He praises his courage on the left, his defence of sovereignty and republican values, his positions against the European treaty and his programme for rebuilding the social sciences12. Yet he reproaches him with a "schizophrenia": his political choices rest on the anti-dialectical and naturalist ways of thinking most opposed to them3. His neo-Spinozism neglects the historical dimension of the affects and denies freedom. He appeals to a Spinoza cut off from the liberation of the sage, or quoted in truncated form45. His theory of the affects is presented as new, whereas philosophy has never stopped thinking about desire6. Pagani dwells above all on his reading of Clouscard, to which he devotes the afterword "Must We Save Soldier Lordon?". In it, Lordon is said to turn Clouscard into a puritanical critic of consumption, attached to working-class purity. Pagani sees this as a founding misreading, taken from the post-1968 vulgate, which echoes the FN's reception78.
Summary produced automatically from 32 of the passages below, to be reviewed; the numbers link to the moment in the session.
Who is this?
Frédéric Lordon (born 15 January 1962) is a French economist and philosopher, CNRS Director of Research at the Centre européen de sociologie et de science politique in Paris. He is an influential figure in France's Nuit debout movement and has regularly contributed to French broadcast and print media on French and European politics, and also writes a regular opinion column for Le Monde diplomatique. He has argued in favour of Communism as an alternative to Capitalism in books, articles and media appearances, and has been engaged in a project of re-grounding the social sciences in a Spinoza-inspired materialism. […]
0:30Economist who must be saved: clarity, sovereigntism, capping of shareholder remuneration, a program for reforming the social sciences; he must elbow his way through the fray of the refounders.
5:30Presents Clouscard as a detractor of consumer society attached to working-class purity; a matrix-level misreading.
9:13He repeats the National Front's reception of Clouscard and shares the same judgment of existence about consumer society.
11:11The idea he forms of Clouscard expresses the state of his own body; he loses his composure on contact with Clouscard.
16:26Shock on contact with the hard Marx of Clouscard, he who only knew the Marx expurgated by Althusser.
2:33A fellow fighter who courageously defends, on the left, sovereigntism and the values of the Republic left to the National Front.
3:59Trained in the hard sciences, in philosophy he borrows the anti-dialectical and naturalist currents most opposed to his political options: a schizophrenia.
5:40Took a jab at Clouscard by repeating the post-'68 vulgate.
49:04He attributes to Clouscard a geriatric puritanism and the fantasized image of a virtuous worker: a hallucinated reading that douses a Spinozist analysis with moralizing.
2:54Praised for his positions against the European treaty, he objects to Clouscard that the working class benefited from the rise in the standard of living.